By giving people with no assets an opportunity to build a capital base, we might be able to reduce dependence on welfare, writes Keith Topolski.
There is no question that the issue of housing, both in terms of supply and pricing, poses major questions to all levels of government, which are yet to properly address these questions.
Hailing from the once great state of NSW, I have wondered what the best solution is to sorting this issue out. Having read recently of some rather interesting solutions put forward from Barry O’Farrell, effectively stating that if elected, the NSW Liberals will offer to jointly purchase properties with first homebuyers, and then later give the opportunity to those homeowners to purchase the government’s equity share back.
This got me thinking: Why should this only happen when dealing with private housing schemes? Why should this not also apply, in a different manner, to public housing tenants.
Now, before the libertarians jump into me as promoting public ahead of private housing, and the conservatives whack me around for promoting laziness instead of hard work, let me explain this idea.
Public housing tenants are entitled to apply for, and then occupy, housing owned by the government. In exchange for this accommodation, the government allows tenants to pay lesser rental rates. This can be based on the fact that tenants may be unemployed, on disability pensions, or just in jobs that pay painfully low wages.
If those public housing tenants do not meet minimum tenancy standards by way of property maintenance, then they are evicted. If these tenants meet these standards, they stay – just as it is in the private rental markets.
Now, this is where my idea becomes controversial. In exchange for a minimum tenancy term, most likely twenty to twenty five years, representing your standard mortgage duration, the tenants would be eligible to pay their weekly rents and then, at the expiry of the tenancy term, be entitled to purchase the property in their own right, for a lump sum payment which represents a percentage of the average price of properties in the area, possibly five percent.
This is how it works:
Mr Smith pays $200 a week in rent for a 3 bedroom house. After 25 years, he would have paid approximately 1300 weeks rent (25×52) of $200 a week, totaling about $260,000. If this house was located in an area where the average house price was $300,000, he would then have the option of paying a lump sum of $15,000 in order to buy the property outright, meaning he would have paid $275,000 for his own home where the average price is $300,000, a good buy.
Whilst this scheme does seem unfair to those who have to pay the $300,000 plus interest payments for their own home, this allows Mr Smith to build his own capital base. If his family is a 3 or 4 generation welfare family, this is something they never would have had.
This selling of public housing would result in reduced levels of public housing available to government. Such a lack of housing would force government to either build new housing developments in dilapidated areas without real chance for redevelopment or release more housing land.
As any political follower knows, market forces of supply and demand will mean that such an increase of housing supply will see housing prices either stabilise if demand continues to increase, or drop if demand remains stagnant.
Just like work for the dole, housing tenants would need to demonstrate a minimum maintenance standard to be eligible for such a purchase.
Families which have experienced 3 or 4 generations of welfare dependency would now have a capital base to draw on. Less welfare, more housing, more home owners. Now THAT is classical liberalism at work.
Keith Topolski was raised in Sydney’s Hills District, where the median housing price stands at $750,000. Having grown up with his parents paying double digit interest rates and fought for the Liberal Party in Blacktown for the last 6 years, his policy focus is on lowering living costs for the average family.